For the view that the western had not been specially violent, see Robert R. Dykstra, The Cattle Towns (nyc, 1968).
For the characterization of the debate decades that are several, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the crazy West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but because of the assertion that frontier mayhem had been overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (ny, 1978). When it comes to argument that the frontier had been violent, however in certain methods, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence regarding the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide prices in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice within the United states West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For an interpretation associated with reputation for homicide across United states areas that looks at wider habits and particularity that is regional see Randolph Roth, United states Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching customs; Gonzales-Day, Lynching within the western. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (summer time 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in complimentary Kansas’: Racist Violence, Ebony and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, together with ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914” (Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Intercourse, additionally the Lynching of Fred Alexander, ” Kansas History: A Journal for the Central Plains, 33 (summer time 2010), 94–115. On mob violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas, see Kimberly Harper, White Man’s paradise: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998) on a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci. For a full example of mob physical physical violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: an account of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930” (M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). A Decent Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004) on vigilantism in Montana in the 1860s, see Frederick Allen. For comprehensive state and territory listings of western, midwestern, and northeastern lynchings, see “Appendix: Lynchings when you look at the Northeast, Midwest, and West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. For a recently available evaluation of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck, The Lost area: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013). Feimster, Southern Horrors. For the interpretation of females and young ones in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to create This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and community into the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 21–53.
On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama along with other southern states, see John Howard Ratliff, “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching and also the Privileges of Race into the United states South, 1889–1910” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching customs, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will Undoubtedly simply just Take my entire life; Bruce E. Baker, just What Reconstruction Meant: historic Memory into the American Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, They Left Great markings on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 81–87. For the interpretation that is recent of physical physical physical violence within the Reconstruction Southern, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, while the United states South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Harsh Justice, 32–46. For information documenting 56 mob executions of servant and free americans that are african the antebellum Southern, see “Lynchings of African Us americans into the Southern, 1824–1862, ” ibid., 93–99. For a artificial remedy for lynching in American history which includes conversation regarding the colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: a brief history of Lynching in the usa (Lanham, 2011).
Nationwide Association for the development of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in the us. On methodological difficulties with lynching data, specially when it comes to areas beyond your Southern, as well as on techniques for compiling a nationwide stock, see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging up to a nationwide Lynching Database: current Developments, ” Historical techniques, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological issues mixed up in quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence within the Postbellum Southern, ” Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I really do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant because they are, may outweigh the many benefits of counting lynchings that are american.
On British and Irish influences on United states lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob physical physical violence in a worldwide context, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. Regarding the Norwegian community’s collective murder of the Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating their family members in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, ” Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. When it comes to argument that participation in lynching physical violence against African Us citizens had been a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, ” see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). On lynching as well as other kinds of collective violence in structural terms across worldwide countries, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective physical Violence as Social Control, ” Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from a global Perspective (ny, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.
When it comes to argument that U.S. Lynching into the long nineteenth century paralleled respected lynching violence in modern Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as a significant episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 88–91. This isn’t to deny or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical violence among these particular cultures. For contrasting interpretations of current Latin American linchamientos, see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in modern Latin America, ” Theory and community, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: means of Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, ” American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a study of nonstate violence in present years over the diverse parts of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the Law into Their Hands that is own Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).
I’m grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, as well as an anonymous reviewer for their responses on a youthful form of this essay.